9/11

25 years ago, I was working in the LA consulate, waking up to the attack and glued to the TV to follow events, sending local staff hope while Canadian-based staff worked on various consular and related issues in a very uncertain context.

Driving to the downtown consulate, the 101 was deserted, a 10 minute drive rather than more typical 30 minutes or so.

And when air traffic slowly restarted, worrying about the few aircraft in the air.

Gradually, things “returned” to a new normal.

Trump’s Census Overhaul Would Exclude Some Immigrants and Remove Questions on Race

Not surprising. The Harper government’s replacement of the Census in 2011 by the National Household Survey represented a similar tendency to reduce data-based discussions on equality and equity in addition to a general ideology against what it viewed of government intrusiveness:

The Trump administration on Wednesday proposed to no longer count immigrants without green cards in the 2030 census or ask about race and ethnicity, part of an overhaul that would redefine who counts as a U.S. resident in the eyes of the federal government.

The sweeping measures would upend a process that helps determine the allotment of congressional seats, billions of dollars in federal funding and policies to address systemic disparities.

The proposed regulation, published online on Wednesday, would not count noncitizens without green cards in the 2030 census, a significant departure from the process stipulated by the Constitution to occur every 10 years. Historically, the census has asked Americans about their race and ethnicity and counted all U.S. residents regardless of their immigration status.

The overhaul also would bar the U.S. census from asking Americans about their sexual orientation.

While the proposal is likely to face legal challenges, the changes would not only remove undocumented immigrants from the official population count used to determine congressional seats, but also immigrants who are in the United States legally and have yet to secure green cards or citizenship. As a result, areas with more immigrants, which tend to vote Democratic, could lose representation and federal funding….

Source: Trump’s Census Overhaul Would Exclude Some Immigrants and Remove Questions on Race

PISA 2025 Results (Volume I) – Immigration Aspects

Most of the articles on the latest PISA have focussed, understandably, on on continuing decline in scores across most jurisdictions. This section contrasts immigrants and native-born, showing that immigrants outperform the native-born. Unfortunately, not able to access the relevant data tables:

A fair education system gives students with an immigrant background an equal opportunity to thrive at school and realise their full learning potential compared to those without an immigrant background. PISA defines immigrant students as students whose mother and father were both born in a country/economy other than that where the student took the PISA test. Non-immigrant students are students who have at least one parent born in the country of assessment. This section examines the extent to which the countries and economies that participated in PISA 2025 ensure that all students are on a level playing field, regardless of their background. 

Overall, the results presented in this chapter show that non-immigrant students tend to outperform immigrant students in all PISA subjects in many, though not all, countries and economies. However, this raw performance gap is rarely a function of immigrant status alone. Instead, these students often navigate intersecting layers of disadvantage (Bowleg, 2012[48]; Cerna et al., 2021[49]) In some countries and economies, students with an immigrant background are disproportionately likely to come from socio-economically disadvantaged families compared to non-immigrant students (OECD, 2023[3]). Furthermore, a significant proportion of these students face the additional challenge of navigating an education system in a language different from the one they speak at home, a challenge that is particularly acute for first-generation immigrants and for those who arrive to a new country/economy later on in their educational trajectories (OECD, 2023[3]).

Once socio-economic status and the language spoken at home are taken into account, the picture often changes. In many education systems, immigrant students actually outperform their non-immigrant peers, demonstrating remarkable academic resilience and a strong drive to succeed (Cerna et al., 2021[49]; OECD, 2023[3]). This reversal suggests that the educational vulnerabilities associated with an immigrant background are not inevitable, but are instead largely shaped by features of education systems, as well as linguistic barriers.

Moreover, several countries and economies combine a large share of students with an immigrant background (i.e. over 30% of students) with high average levels of performance (Australia, Canada*, Macao (China), New Zealand* and Singapore) (Tables I.B1.2d.1 and I.B1.2d.10). PISA results support the view that policies aimed at dismantling cultural and linguistic barriers – through targeted language support, intercultural education, and the promotion of inclusive school climates that value diversity – can improve the outcomes of immigrant students (Cerna et al., 2021[49]; OECD, 2023[3]; Tarozzi, 2012[50]). At the same time, these results should be interpreted in light of differences in immigrant student profiles across countries and economies. In some systems, immigration policies and selection mechanisms may shape the socio-economic background, language proficiency and other characteristics of immigrant populations, and may partly explain the positive outcomes observed among immigrant students.

Education systems around the world vary greatly in terms of how large their immigrant student population is (Table I.B1.2d.1). In almost half of the countries and economies in PISA 2025 (42 out of 87), the share of 15-year-old students with an immigrant background is small (less than 5%). But in 24 countries and economies, the share of immigrant students is higher than 15%; in 14 countries and economies it is higher than 25%; and in Luxembourg, Macao (China), Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, more than half of students have an immigrant background. On average across 29 OECD countries with available data, 18% of students have an immigrant background. The composition of immigrant student populations can also vary considerably within countries and economies, with students differing by country of origin, language spoken at home, socio-economic background, and cultural proximity to the host country. As a result, average outcomes for students with an immigrant background may mask important differences between immigrant sub-groups within the same education system.

Students with an immigrant background can be distinguished between first- and second-generation immigrants. First‑generation immigrants are students born outside the country of assessment and whose parents were also born outside the country of assessment. Second-generation students are students born in the country of assessment but whose parent(s) were born outside the country of assessment. The share of second-generation immigrants is 10% and the share of first-generation immigrants 8% on average across OECD countries in PISA 2025 (Table I.B1.2d.1).

These differences in the size and composition of immigrant student populations provide important context for interpreting performance gaps between immigrant and non-immigrant students across education systems.

Source: PISA 2025 Results (Volume I)

La chute du nombre d’étudiants internationaux se poursuit dans les universités québécoises

As designed and expected:

Le nombre d’étudiants internationaux continue de chuter dans plusieurs universités québécoises, montrent des données compilées par Le Devoir. Une situation qui compromet sérieusement les finances de certains établissements, dans les grands centres urbains comme en région, en plus de miner la recherche universitaire et l’avenir de certains programmes.

Sur la dizaine d’universités contactées, sept ont fourni au Devoir des données préliminaires qui confirment une baisse marquée du nombre d’étudiants internationaux entre leurs murs cet automne, par rapport à la même période l’an dernier. Celle-ci atteint notamment 12 % d’une année à l’autre à l’Université du Québec à Montréal, 25 % à l’Université de Sherbrooke et plus de 30 % à l’Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières (UQTR). Une situation qui préoccupe le recteur de cette dernière, Christian Blanchette.

« C’est majeur », indique M. Blanchette, qui rappelle que cette baisse des inscriptions s’ajoute à celle, déjà marquée, notée l’an dernier. En somme, « la tendance se maintient », et « elle n’est pas bonne », poursuit celui qui est également président du conseil d’administration du Bureau de coopération interuniversitaire, qui regroupe les 18 universités québécoises.

Cette situation survient dans un contexte où les décisions politiques prises par Québec pour limiter l’accès à la résidence permanente aux étudiants internationaux ont fait chuter les demandes de permis d’études dans la province en deçà des plafonds établis par Québec et Ottawa….

Source: La chute du nombre d’étudiants internationaux se poursuit dans les universités québécoises

The number of international students continues to fall in several Quebec universities, according to data compiled by Le Devoir. A situation that seriously compromises the finances of certain institutions, in large urban centers as well as in the region, in addition to undermining university research and the future of certain programs.

Of the ten universities contacted, seven provided Le Devoir with preliminary data that confirm a sharp decline in the number of international students within their walls this fall, compared to the same period last year. This notably reaches 12% from one year to the next at the Université du Québec à Montréal, 25% at the Université de Sherbrooke and more than 30% at the Université du Québec à Trois-Rivières (UQTR). A situation that worries the rector of the latter, Christian Blanchette.

“It’s major,” says Mr. Blanchette, who recalls that this decrease in registrations is in addition to the one, already marked, noted last year. In short, “the trend continues,” and “it is not good,” continues the one who is also chairman of the board of directors of the Interuniversity Cooperation Office, which brings together the 18 Quebec universities.

This situation comes in a context where the political decisions taken by Quebec City to limit access to permanent residence to international students have caused applications for study permits in the province to fall below the ceilings established by Quebec City and Ottawa….

Connelly – Qualified but overlooked: How bias keeps Indigenous job seekers from getting hired

Comparable to studies regarding visible minorities:

…The patterns varied significantly by region. In Ontario, callback rates for Indigenous and non-Indigenous applicants were nearly identical. In Saskatchewan, however, the gap was much larger: non-Indigenous applicants received callbacks 13.2 per cent of the time, compared with 8.1 per cent for Indigenous applicants.

To better understand these differences, we conducted interviews with hiring managers and workers in both provinces. These interviews suggested that hiring decisions involved more than formal qualifications and experience.

Instead, it was governed by an unwritten standard of “fit” — one shaped by racialized and gendered expectations about who represents an ideal hospitality worker.

Our quantitative findings showed that Indigenous women received more callbacks than Indigenous men (11.6 per cent compared with 8.3 per cent), reflecting broader patterns in hospitality hiring in which women are perceived as being especially suited to customer-facing roles….

Source: Qualified but overlooked: How bias keeps Indigenous job seekers from getting hired

Olivia Chow opts out of antisemitism debate

Pattern:

…Moderator has criticized Chow

Tuesday’s debate was to be moderated by Jesse Brown, editor and founder of the Canadaland media outlet, who has publicly accused Chow of endangering the Jewish community. In a post to X in July, he wrote that she had “allowed this city to become a global capital of antisemitism,” and described her statements about not tolerating hate as “dangerous gaslighting that keeps Jews unsafe.” 

In a post after his role as moderator was announced, Brown said Chow would “be treated fairly” if she decided to take part.

Rezvany did not respond to a question about whether Brown’s participation was a factor in Chow’s decision, and the lawyers association declined to comment.

In an email, Brown told the Star that Chow’s team hadn’t asked for a different moderator, and if they had, he would step aside. “If she chooses not to attend, that’s between her and the Jewish community as a whole and it’s not something I’m willing to be scapegoated for,” he said.

“I just don’t think it’s acceptable to sit this one out,” he added.

Not unusual for candidates to skip debates

Unlike at the provincial and federal levels, there is no centralized group responsible for organizing municipal leadership debates in Toronto. Instead, individual organizations stage their own, often leading to a high number of debates each election season. It’s not unusual for candidates to turn down invitations. Chow has confirmed she will attend a Sept. 14 debate hosted by the Daily Bread Food Bank, which is also expected to include Bradford and Alexander and which the organization is billing as the first debate of the 2026 campaign.

However, Tuesday’s debate has political significance for Chow, who since Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023 attack on Israel has faced criticism from some for how she has handled local fallout from the conflict….

Source: Olivia Chow opts out of antisemitism debate

StatsCan – Economic well-being among immigrant and Canadian-born families: The joint distribution of income and wealth

Encouraging that established immigrant families matched or exceeded the wealth of Canadian-born families, although it would be useful if this data was disaggregated by ethnic group or visible minority:

This study examines disparities in economic well-being among recent immigrant, established immigrant and Canadian-born families. Using pooled data from the Survey of Financial Security (2016, 2019 and 2023), families are classified across income and wealth quartiles to assess economic well-being. Across all income quartiles, recent immigrant families possessed less wealth than Canadian‑born families, with the wealth gap widening toward the top of the income distribution. While socioeconomic factors such as homeownership, having a private pension plan, inheritance and life-cycle stage explained wealth differences among families at the bottom of the income distribution, substantial gaps persisted at higher levels of income even after accounting for these factors. By contrast, established immigrant families matched or exceeded the wealth of Canadian‑born families across the income distribution, underscoring the importance of time in Canada and life‑cycle processes in wealth accumulation….

Source: Economic well-being among immigrant and Canadian-born families: The joint distribution of income and wealth

Court orders Ottawa to release details about resettlement of Nazi war criminals in Canada

Long overdue:

The Federal Court has ordered the government to publish redacted portions of a report about the resettlement of Nazi war criminals in Canada through a secret CIA program after the Second World War.

The court ruling is the result of legal action by B’nai Brith. The Jewish organization had challenged Ottawa’s decision to keep secret some details of American efforts to help Nazi collaborators enter Canada, contained in a report written 40 years ago.

The cover of Alti Rodal’s report, Nazi War Criminals in Canada: The Historical and Policy Setting from the 1940s to the Present.SUPPLIED

Unless successfully appealed by the federal government, the ruling will lead to the removal of almost all the redactions in a report written by historian Alti Rodal for the 1985-86 Commission of Inquiry on War Criminals in Canada, headed by former Quebec judge Jules Deschênes. The commission investigated allegations that Canada had become a safe haven for Nazi war criminals.

Most of Ms. Rodal’s report had already been made public, with further declassified details released in 2024. The Federal Court judgment, issued Tuesday, relates to a section dealing with “irregularities in resettlement of defectors and former agents.” That portion has never been fully disclosed “despite its age and historical importance,” the ruling said.

Judge Simon Fothergill wrote that his considerations had included “the importance of the historical record” and ”the passage of time” in making his decision. …

Source: Court orders Ottawa to release details about resettlement of Nazi war criminals in Canada

For a detailed overview of the history and issues, see Nazi War Criminals in Canada: The known knowns and the known unknowns in Wesley Wark’s substack.

Nicolas | L’absurde mathématique des générations

Would have thought she would understand the practical reality of generation data in terms of understanding economic and social outcomes and how well different groups and generations are doing. Of course, in her case, as in others, it is not simple given mixed ancestries which of course, become more mixed over generations:

Il faut avouer que, quand le terme « immigrant de deuxième génération » a fait irruption dans la campagne électorale cette semaine, ça fut pour moi, et pour un grand nombre d’entre nous, une étrange expérience. Par « nous », je veux dire celles et ceux que les mots concernent au premier chef.

D’abord, il était fascinant de constater que le terme même — « immigrant de deuxième génération » — ne frappe pas le gros bon sens de tous comme un oxymore. Si je suis née à l’hôpital de Hull, comment puis-je être une immigrante ?

Ensuite, j’ai compris qu’un glissement de sens et de vocabulaire s’opère sans même que la plupart ne le remarquent. La nation serait-elle en train de faire évoluer ses mathématiques ? Parce que moi, qui suis née ici, j’ai pensé toute ma vie qu’une personne qui venait vivre ici était un immigrant qui devenait Québécois. Et, donc, un Québécois de première génération. Et que les enfants de cette première génération de Québécois étaient des Québécois de deuxième génération. Tout comme on peut être Québécois depuis cinq, sept ou douze générations.

Parler d’« immigrant de deuxième génération » (ou, pire, d’« immigré »), c’est un vocabulaire beaucoup plus répandu en France. À droite, voire à l’extrême droite, on nous parle d’« immigrés de troisième génération » pour éviter de nommer comme Français des gens dont la famille est venue en France, pour la plupart, plusieurs générations après que la France elle-même les eut envahis chez eux.

Vous savez, la France n’est pas forcément extraordinaire en tout. Nous sommes tout à fait libres de choisir judicieusement ce qui nous inspire dans ce pays. Tout comme on laisse les Français s’imaginer que le deuxième étage d’un immeuble est en fait le premier, je crois qu’on peut tout à fait les laisser compter à leur manière et garder la nôtre sur un ensemble d’aspects de la vie sans que ça pose problème.

Source: Nicolas | L’absurde mathématique des générations

It must be admitted that when the term “second-generation immigrant” broke into the election campaign this week, it was a strange experience for me, and for many of us. By “we”, I mean those whose words concern in the first place.

First, it was fascinating to see that the very term – “second-generation immigrant” – does not strike everyone’s common sense like an oxymoron. If I was born at Hull Hospital, how can I be an immigrant?

Then, I understood that a shift in meaning and vocabulary takes place without even most noticing it. Is the nation changing its mathematics? Because I, who was born here, thought all my life that a person who came to live here was an immigrant who was becoming Quebecer. And, therefore, a first-generation Quebecer. And that the children of this first generation of Quebecers were second-generation Quebecers. Just as you can be Quebecers for five, seven or twelve generations.

Talking about “second generation immigrant” (or, worse, “immigrant”) is a much more widespread vocabulary in France. On the right, or even on the extreme right, we are called “third-generation immigrants” to avoid naming as French people whose family came to France, for the most part, several generations after France itself had invaded them at home.

You know, France is not necessarily extraordinary in everything. We are completely free to choose wisely what inspires us in this country. Just as we let the French imagine that the second floor of a building is actually the first, I believe that we can completely let them count in their own way and keep ours on a set of aspects of life without it being a problem.

Saunders: Canada wants to be ambitious. That means getting immigration going again

Interesting emerging consensus and differences between Saunders, RBC and C.D. Howe Institute regarding permanent and temporary residents: with Saunders admitting to the excesses of past years but not going as far as aiming for about a one percent growth rate of permanent residents but implying a shift in balance to permanent residents compared to temporary and implicitly more TR2PR pathways. Would be helpful if his arguments were more specific with respect to numbers and it was the overall increase in numbers, particularly temporary, and their impact on housing, healthcare and infrastructure that undermined support for immigration:

…That can be achieved with a few small changes. As experts have recommended, the Express Entry system needs a category for people in secondary-school-only skilled trades, to account for 10 to 20 per cent of permanent immigrants. The points system needs to weigh more heavily toward foreign trade experience and non-degree credentials. Provinces should have authority over these less-skilled PR categories, to meet their specific economic needs. And permanent residence should be granted soon after arrival, not after years of ambiguous residence.

Removing the incentive to rely on temporary immigrants means raising the processing speed to a few months at most. This isn’t helped by the current reduction of 1,440 jobs in Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada. Shifting the temporary-permanent balance will require more staff, although AI and other technologies can help.

It was long-term temporary status, not immigration itself, that put the system in crisis – a majority of our newcomers for two decades weren’t becoming Canadians. To avoid a repeat, we must adjust the system to make permanent family immigration the norm.

Source: Saunders: Canada wants to be ambitious. That means getting immigration going again