How is Carney’s government filling high-level jobs?

Interesting change. The test will come when we see the annual reports on GiC and judicial appointments that have included diversity data under the Trudeau government. While presented as “transparent and merit-based,” considerable latitude for the government to develop and encourage nominations and thus influence results:

…Since March 2025, only one position — parliamentary budget officer — has been advertised on the government’s appointments website or in the Canada Gazette. For months, the website said it was not accepting applications for any positions. Currently, it says “appointment opportunities will be posted in due course.”

At the same time, the Carney government has made 122 governor-in-council appointments. Some of the openings filled were last advertised years ago. Government insiders say previous postings resulted in pools of qualified applicants that can still be tapped for positions.

Some openings, like chief public health officer and official languages commissioner, were publicly advertised before Trudeau left power. The government has still not named a permanent successor to former public health officer Dr. Theresa Tam, who retired in June. Officials won’t say if Canada’s new official languages commissioner Kelly Burke, who was named last week, was selected through the 2024 open application process.

On March 19, 2025, the governor-in-council (GIC) appointment website advertised 23 job opportunities — some to fill multiple positions.

Ten months later, many are still vacant.

Last week, cabinet approved nine appointments to the new Employment Insurance Board of Appeals. While openings were advertised, they were posted on the board’s own website — not the government’s GIC appointments page.

While the number can fluctuate from day to day as appointments are made and mandates expire, currently, there are around 251 vacant GIC positions.

In the Senate, seven of 105 seats are vacant and eight more senators are scheduled to retire over the course of 2026. However, the website set up under the Trudeau government to open up Senate appointments and allow Canadians to apply to be a senator has said for months that “new applications, nominations or the creation of new profiles for Senate appointments are not being accepted at this time.”

By Tuesday, 24 of the 29 seats on the board Trudeau set up to advise the prime minister on potential senator appointments will be vacant. Only three federal representatives and the two representatives for Nova Scotia will remain.

‘Transparent and merit-based’ process

Carney’s office says that the government is using a “transparent and merit-based selection process” to make appointments….

Source: How is Carney’s government filling high-level jobs?

Douglas Todd: While migration battles flare in the U.S. and Europe, Canada reduces its numbers in an understated way

Of note:

“U.S. politics is growing ever more fiery after the shooting deaths of two U.S. citizens by federal agents during protests against ICE’s mass arrests of migrants in Minneapolis.

In Europe, many countries are using large-scale detention to deter asylum seekers.

In Canada, Prime Minister Mark Carney is adopting methodical, understated ways to reduce migration.

Bill C12, the Strengthening Canada’s Immigration System and Borders Act, passed the House of Commons last month. It’s the latest effort by the federal Liberals to slowly cut back on former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s campaign to bring in record numbers of permanent and temporary residents.

Most impacted by Ottawa’s stricter rules and lowered targets are international students, asylum seekers and the parents and grandparents of immigrant families.

After opinion polls showing Canadians are increasingly skeptical of elevated migration levels, federal websites now highlight the need to tighten borders and deal with how the immigration system “has been strained.”

Under Trudeau, the social-media feeds of Immigration Refugees and Citizenship Canada were filled with many ways the country was welcoming newcomers. But this week, the department was following its new, stricter, rapid-decision approach. It was providing data snapshots on how the volume of new”…

Source: Douglas Todd: While migration battles flare in the U.S. and Europe, Canada reduces its numbers in an understated way

Urback: It is the right time – socially and economically – to scale back extended health benefits for refugees

Not seeing much pushback:

…The problem plaguing the IFHP both in 2012 and in 2026 is the perception of unfairness: Canada’s public health care system does not include coverage for extended services and prescriptions for Canadian citizens and permanent residents, but it does for those eligible for the IFHP. 

There are various arguments that justify that discrepancy, including the fact that refugees often arrive with complex medical needs after years of neglect, and it may be cheaper in the long run to treat them up front. There are various provincial programs that do cover the cost of prescriptions and extended services for low-income Canadians, but asylum-seekers will have more trouble navigating the complex bureaucracy, especially if there is a language barrier. IFHP keeps it simple. 

These arguments were more persuasive in 2012, when the program was a fraction of its current size, and there wasn’t the widespread perception that Canada’s refugee system was being abused. In 2012, roughly 128,000 people were covered by the IFHP. In 2024-2025, that number exploded to 623,365, with expenses totalling nearly $900-million. …

There’s also a social imperative for bringing refugee benefits closer in line with those afforded to Canadian citizens. That’s because, bluntly, the Trudeau government destroyed the immigration consensus in Canada; it brought in so many newcomers, so quickly, that integration was impossible and resentment inevitable. The Carney government is now tightening the rules for student visas, work permits, and asylum claimants, but it will take a lot more than a change in numbers for Canadians to again believe that immigration is a good thing, and to trust that our processes are rigorous and fair. 

Asking refugee-claimants to budget for prescriptions and extended coverage, as many other Canadians do, helps to ameliorate that wounded perception of fairness. Arguably the changes to the IFHP needs to go further, but this is a necessary first step. 

Source: It is the right time – socially and economically – to scale back extended health benefits for refugees

“Le chef du PQ se dit prêt à offrir une clause «grand-père» à certains immigrants”

A noter “l’ambiguïté:”:

“Paul St-Pierre Plamondon se dit ouvert à appliquer une clause de droits acquis à une partie des immigrants laissés en plan par l’abandon du Programme de l’expérience québécoise (PEQ), mais il ne précise pas en quoi sa proposition se distingue de celle du gouvernement Legault.

« On est très ouverts à octroyer des clauses “grand-père” », a laissé tomber le chef du Parti québécois (PQ) au premier jour de sa réunion de caucus de la rentrée, à Saint-Georges, en Beauce. La veille, il avait tenu une poignée de rencontres avec des acteurs du milieu économique beauceron, abordant en priorité le sujet de l’abolition du PEQ.

En novembre dernier, le gouvernement de François Legault a mis fin à ce programme qui offrait depuis plusieurs années une voie rapide vers la résidence permanente aux travailleurs temporaires et aux étudiants étrangers du Québec. Il leur demande désormais de postuler au Programme de sélection des travailleurs qualifiés (PSTQ) — et donc de répondre à certains critères — s’ils désirent s’installer de manière permanente en territoire québécois.

“Depuis, nombre d’organismes des milieux économique, de l’immigration et du travail ont émis le souhait que le gouvernement accorde une clause de droits acquis aux personnes déjà établies au Québec. Lundi, le conseil municipal de Montréal a lui aussi fait cette demande, comme plusieurs villes et municipalités.”…

Source: “Le chef du PQ se dit prêt à offrir une clause «grand-père» à certains immigrants”

“Paul St-Pierre Plamondon says he is open to applying a clause of acquired rights to some of the immigrants left in the way by the abandonment of the Quebec Experience Program (PEQ), but he does not specify how his proposal differs from that of the Legault government.

“We are very open to granting “grandfather” clauses,” said the leader of the Parti Québécois (PQ) on the first day of his back-to-school caucus meeting in Saint-Georges, Beauce. The day before, he had held a handful of meetings with actors from the Beauceron economic community, primarily addressing the subject of the abolition of the PEQ.

Last November, the government of François Legault ended this program, which for several years had offered a fast path to permanent residence for temporary workers and international students in Quebec. It now asks them to apply for the Skilled Worker Selection Program (PSTQ) — and therefore to meet certain criteria — if they wish to settle permanently in Quebec territory.

“Since then, many economic, immigration and labor organizations have expressed the wish that the government grant a clause of acquired rights to people already established in Quebec. On Monday, the Montreal City Council also made this request, as did several cities and municipalities.”…

Globe editorial: Canada has gutted its economic migration program

More legitimate criticism:

…Francophones are an important part of Canada’s culture and heritage – both inside and outside of Quebec. However, the idea of freezing their demographic weight based on an arbitrary date in the past is misguided. The Liberals may believe that boosting French will get votes, but the measures are unlikely to do much to increase the vitality of historic francophone communities in northern Ontario or New Brunswick. Permanent residents can choose where they live, and francophones may move to Toronto or Vancouver, where they won’t necessarily use French in daily life, or to Montreal, for increased job opportunities. 

The immigration system needs to be reset back to where it was in 2019, before the Liberal government started moving away from selecting economic immigrants through general rounds.

The Liberal government has taken some big steps to reverse poor decisions it made on immigration. It should scrap category draws for specific groups, and return to a system that selects people based on skills and the ability to succeed. Our economic future depends on it.

Source: Canada has gutted its economic migration program

Canada’s immigration backlogs and processing times grow a year after job cuts. Now, 300 more positions face the axe

Not encouraging….:

…A year after the start of the job cuts, the department has seen the number of permanent and temporary immigration applications in the queue rise by 2.6 per cent, to 2,130,700 from 2,076,600. The number of backlogged applications that exceeded its own service standards soared by 12.7 per cent, to 1,005,800 from 892,100. Processing times for some programs have surged.

The latest figures show that 23 per cent of citizenship applications are backlogged, up from 17 per cent last January. The number of refugee claims in the queue pending a decision also rose to 300,163 from 278,240 in one year.

And King worries things will get worse as the 3,300 job cuts are not complete.

In December, staff received a memo from management that 300 more positions will be eliminated over three years as part of federal budget cuts involving reduction of the number of public servants. This will be on top of a roughly 10 per cent to 15 per cent reduction of executive positions at the department.

This appeared to be contrary to Immigration Minister Lena Metlege Diab’s recent statements in a media interview that the department funding is based on the annual immigration levels and the processing officers “will still be there” and won’t be affected. In 2025, Ottawa significantly reduced its permanent and temporary resident intakes in response to public outcry over the pace of Canada’s population growth. …

Source: Canada’s immigration backlogs and processing times grow a year after job cuts. Now, 300 more positions face the axe, Government Stats: Understanding IRCC’s application inventories




Gee: Trump’s war on migrants has echoes of Australia’s past

Interesting comparison:

…In both cases – 18th-century England, 21st-century America – the aim is to demonize, dehumanize and finally to expel these agents of disorder. The Trump administration deports migrants to Honduras, El Salvador and Africa. England’s rulers dispatched prisoners to Australia.

As Mr. Hughes puts it, transportation was an attempt to uproot “an enemy class from the British social fabric.” Sending the convicts away “conveyed evil to another world.” 

But it never worked. England’s crime wave rolled on. The early 19th-century was a time of protest and upheaval. Nor did the exiled convicts prove to be the irredeemable human detritus they were often said to be. 

Many earned their freedom – their “ticket of leave” – for hard work and good behaviour. Together with the free settlers who began arriving in time, they and their children built thriving colonies in this vast and distant continent. Out of those colonies sprang a thriving, stubbornly democratic nation: Australia.

Source: Trump’s war on migrants has echoes of Australia’s past

Immigration minister wants department to track exits of temporary residents

Long overdue:

Immigration Minister Lena Diab says she wants her department to acquire the ability to track the number of people with temporary visas who are exiting the country.

The immigration department confirms almost 1.9 million temporary visas, including work and study permits, are expiring this year. More than 2.1 million expired last year.

Diab said the Canada Border Services Agency and Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada are able to track some information about specific people and groups, but there’s no simple way to track how many temporary residents are leaving Canada.

Diab said she’d like to change that with the help of digital tools.

“There’s a number countries around the world that do track those. And I believe we need to also be doing that,” Diab said in a phone interview with The Canadian Press.

“Did we have the capabilities to do that before? No. Should we? I think yes, and that is something that you will see us working toward.”

Aaron McCrorie, CBSA vice president of intelligence and enforcement, told a House of Commons committee hearing on Oct. 21 that the agency can track who is leaving Canada, their method of transportation, their date of birth and the travel documents they use.

He said CBSA doesn’t currently have the ability to determine if someone is leaving because of an expired visa. McCrorie told the committee it can manually check that on a case-by-case basis, a process he described as “very labour-intensive.”

People with temporary visas contributed to a major increase in asylum claims in 2024.

A response to a written question from Conservative immigration critic Michelle Rempel Garner on asylum claims shows more than 112,000 people on temporary resident visas and nearly 22,000 people with study permits applied for asylum in 2024….

Source: Immigration minister wants department to track exits of temporary residents

Lagacé: Les immigrants, le PEQ et nous

Good column in its general messaging and the impact of no grandfathering of those who had already applied under PEQ:

Un, une société vieillissante comme le Québec, qui fait peu d’enfants, a besoin d’immigrants pour s’assurer que dans 25 ans, dans 50 ans, il y aura suffisamment de citoyens pour financer les services… Et les soins aux vieux. On n’en sort pas.

Là-dessus, je vous invite à consulter une analyse de Gérald Fillion1 qui montre ce que la stagnation démographique nous réserve comme périls parce que nous accueillons moins d’immigrants que le reste du Canada.

Deux, notre société devra toujours se battre pour franciser ses immigrants. Ça peut être irritant pour certains immigrants, mais c’est comme l’hiver : ça vient avec le choix de vivre ici.

Trois, l’immigration diversifie une société, c’est un atout indéniable, à plein d’égards. Mais la diversification pour la diversification n’est pas une politique d’immigration digne de ce nom.

Quatre, je crois que la « capacité d’accueil » existe bel et bien. J’entends des voix progressistes affirmer que c’est un concept inventé et je ne suis pas d’accord. On ne peut pas créer des profs pour les classes d’accueil et on ne peut pas faire apparaître comme par magie des appartements.

Cinq, je crois que nous devons accueillir des réfugiés, des gens en danger dans leur pays. Il y a parmi eux une proportion de « faux » réfugiés qui tentent de se faire passer pour des réfugiés pour échapper à leur pays : la bureaucratie fédérale est trop lente pour traiter les dossiers et établir s’ils sont de « vrais » réfugiés.

Voilà, en cinq petits paragraphes, vous savez à peu près où je loge sur l’immigration.

Maintenant, je constate aussi qu’il y a un discours anti-immigration puissant partout en Occident, un discours qui a un écho au Québec. Ce discours influence les partis politiques qui veulent gouverner.

Le « grand remplacement », le « importe le tiers monde et tu deviendras le tiers monde », la « remigration » (qui préconise la déportation d’immigrants naturalisés) : tout ce discours qui était auparavant aux marges influence désormais la pensée sur l’immigration de citoyens qui ne sont pas des extrémistes.

Le discours alarmiste de l’extrême droite, répété sur tous les tons et sur tant de tribunes, finit par être recyclé par des partis de droite qui veulent éviter de se faire bouffer leur steak électoral par les partis d’extrême droite.

Les partis plus à gauche politisent aussi l’immigration. Quand Justin Trudeau a ouvert les vannes de l’immigration, la propulsant via divers programmes à des niveaux historiques, c’était aussi une réponse au discours anti-immigrants de la droite de la droite.

L’immigration est désormais hyper-polarisée, partout.

Aux États-Unis, l’immigration est un enjeu chaud depuis des décennies. Républicains et démocrates n’ont jamais pu trouver de terrain d’entente sur la façon de faire face aux entrées irrégulières à la frontière sud. Il y avait, en effet, un « free for all » à cette frontière.

De chaude, la question est devenue bouillante aux États-Unis. Ça a mené à ces politiques d’expulsion où la flicaille trumpiste de l’immigration pêche à la dynamite pour capturer et expulser des gens qui ont « l’air » non américains, en se fichant des droits des uns et des autres dans un contexte plus large d’érosion de l’État de droit aux États-Unis.

Nous n’en sommes pas là au Québec. Heureusement.

La CAQ n’est donc pas le Parti républicain de Trump. Resserrer des critères bureaucratiques ici et là n’est pas l’ICE portant un Kanuk sous nos latitudes boréales.

Mais la suspicion face à l’immigration, je trouve, nous fait prendre des décisions à la fois cruelles et contre-productives, ici.

Prenez le PEQ, le Programme de l’expérience québécoise. Il permettait à des immigrants, s’ils répondaient à certains critères – maîtrise du français, emploi, études –, d’embarquer sur la voie rapide vers la résidence permanente.

La CAQ a aboli le PEQ en novembre dernier. Certains immigrants, qui remplissaient les critères, qui avaient été attirés ici par l’État lors d’opérations de recrutement à l’étranger, se butent désormais à une porte close : le PEQ n’existe plus.

On les oriente vers une autre porte, celle du Programme de sélection des travailleurs qualifiés (PSTQ).

Ce programme est plus restrictif, impose de nouveaux critères, fonctionne par tirage au sort.

Résultat : des gens qui ont choisi le Québec, qui ont planté ici leurs racines, qui parlent français… font désormais face à une incertitude. Certains ont liquidé leurs actifs, chez eux, pour miser sur le Québec, via le PEQ.

Et là, boum, la porte est fermée. Ils ont joué selon les règles du jeu. Nous avons changé les règles du jeu…

Et je trouve ça cruel en tabarslak.

Depuis, des voix2 s’élèvent pour demander une clause « grand-père » pour ceux qui étaient dans le pipeline du PEQ. Du maire de Québec à la mairesse de Montréal en passant par les patrons, les syndicats, des PME, le PLQ, QS et j’en passe : cette coalition disparate implore le ministre de l’Immigration Jean-François Roberge de rouvrir la porte du PEQ pour ceux qui étaient sur le balcon…

Réponse de M. Roberge, vendredi : Non, il n’y aura pas de clause de droits acquis. Cognez à la porte du PSTQ.

L’ambassadeur de France à Ottawa, Michel Miraillet, a récemment posé3 un regard tristement lucide sur la fin du PEQ, « symbole d’un basculement », selon le diplomate, basculement qui envoie un message dissuasif aux Français qui seraient tentés de choisir le Québec et le Canada : « On voit arriver des Français qui avaient décidé de tout vendre pour s’installer au Québec et qui, au bout de deux ans, se voient priés de quitter le pays. »

Bref, nos politiques d’immigration sont devenues tellement incohérentes, à cause de la politisation, que le Québec renonce à… des immigrants français !

On veut tellement apaiser des peurs – légitimes et souvent illégitimes – face à l’immigration en général qu’on se prive même d’immigrants français, ici où le français est censé être le bastion de notre petite société distincte en Amérique.

Humainement, c’est cruel, pour eux.

Collectivement, la démographie est têtue : nous scions la branche sur laquelle nous sommes assis.

La facture va nous tomber dessus dans 25 ans : c’est après-demain, à l’échelle d’un peuple.

Source: Les immigrants, le PEQ et nous

One, an aging society like Quebec, which has few children, needs immigrants to ensure that in 25 years, in 50 years, there will be enough citizens to finance services… And care for the elderly. We don’t get out of it.

On this, I invite you to consult an analysis by Gérald Fillion1 which shows what demographic stagnation holds for us as dangers because we welcome fewer immigrants than the rest of Canada.

Two, our society will always have to fight to Frenchize its immigrants. It can be irritating for some immigrants, but it’s like winter: it comes with the choice of living here.

Three, immigration diversifies a society, it is an undeniable asset, in many respects. But diversification for diversification is not an immigration policy worthy of the name.

Four, I believe that the “capacity of reception” does exist. I hear progressive voices say that it is an invented concept and I do not agree. We can’t create teachers for reception classes and we can’t magically make apartments appear.

Five, I believe that we must welcome refugees, people in danger in their country. Among them, there is a proportion of “fake” refugees who try to pretend to be refugees to escape their country: the federal bureaucracy is too slow to process files and establish whether they are “real” refugees.

Here, in five small paragraphs, you know roughly where I am on immigration.

Now, I also see that there is a powerful anti-immigration discourse throughout the West, a discourse that has an echo in Quebec. This discourse influences political parties that want to govern.

The “great replacement”, the “import the third world and you will become the third world”, the “remigration” (which advocates the deportation of naturalized immigrants): all this discourse that was previously on the margins now influences thinking about the immigration of citizens who are not extremists.

The alarmist speech of the extreme right, repeated in all tones and in so many stands, ends up being recycled by right-wing parties that want to avoid having their electoral steak eaten by far-right parties.

The more left-wing parties also politicize immigration. When Justin Trudeau opened the floodgates of immigration, propelling it through various programs to historical levels, it was also a response to the anti-immigrant discourse of the right of the right.

Immigration is now hyper-polarized, everywhere.

In the United States, immigration has been a hot issue for decades. Republicans and Democrats have never been able to find common ground on how to deal with irregular entries at the southern border. There was, in fact, a “free for all” at this border.

From hot, the issue has become boiling in the United States. It has led to these expulsion policies where the Trumpist immigration cops fish for dynamite to capture and expel people who “look” non-American, not caring about the rights of each other in a broader context of erosion of the rule of law in the United States.

We are not here in Quebec. Fortunately.

The CAQ is therefore not Trump’s Republican Party. Tightening bureaucratic criteria here and there is not the ICE carrying a Kanuk under our boreal latitudes.

But suspicion of immigration, I think, makes us make decisions that are both cruel and counterproductive here.

Take the PEQ, the Quebec Experience Program. It allowed immigrants, if they met certain criteria – mastery of French, employment, studies – to embark on the expressway to permanent residence.

The CAQ abolished the PEQ last November. Some immigrants, who met the criteria, who had been attracted here by the State during recruitment operations abroad, now bump into a closed door: the PEQ no longer exists.

They are directed to another door, that of the Skilled Worker Selection Program (PSTQ).

This program is more restrictive, imposes new criteria, works by lottery.

Result: people who have chosen Quebec, who have planted their roots here, who speak French… are now facing uncertainty. Some have liquidated their assets, at home, to bet on Quebec, via the PEQ.

And there, boom, the door is closed. They played according to the rules of the game. We changed the rules of the game…

And I find it cruel in tabarslak.

Since then, voices2 have been raised to call for a “grandfather” clause for those who were in the PEQ pipeline. From the mayor of Quebec to the mayor of Montreal via bosses, unions, SMEs, the PLQ, QS and so on: this disparate coalition implores the Minister of Immigration Jean-François Roberge to reopen the door of the PEQ for those who were on the balcony…

Answer from Mr. Roberge, Friday: No, there will be no acquired rights clause. Knock on the door of the PSTQ.

The French Ambassador to Ottawa, Michel Miraillet, recently put3 a sadly lucid look at the end of the PEQ, “symbol of a changeover”, according to the diplomat, a change that sends a deterrent message to the French who would be tempted to choose Quebec and Canada: “We see the arrival of French people who had decided to sell everything to settle in Quebec and who, after two years, are asked to leave the country. ”

In short, our immigration policies have become so inconsistent, because of politicization, that Quebec renounces… French immigrants!

We want so much to appease fears – legitimate and often illegitimate – in the face of immigration in general that we even deprive ourselves of French immigrants, here where French is supposed to be the bastion of our distinct little society in America.

Humanly, it’s cruel to them.

Collectively, the demographics are stubborn: we saw the branch on which we are sitting.

The bill will fall on us in 25 years: it’s the day after tomorrow, on the scale of a people.

International students in Canada face vastly different health-care access depending on where they live. Here’s what researchers found

Useful comparison (I had to generate a similar analysis to separate out non-resident self-pay international students from those covered under provincial health plans for my birth tourism analysis:

…Of all provinces and territories, Alberta, New Brunswick, Northwest Territories, Saskatchewan and Prince Edward Island have the greatest access to free public health care for international students, while those studying in Ontario, Manitoba and Yukon only have private options.

B.C. requires a three-month waiting period and a monthly $75 fee to get on the provincial health insurance plan. In Quebec, public free health-care services are only available for students from one of the countries that have signed a social security agreement with the province; others must buy private insurance offered at their university or other private health insurance.

In Newfoundland and Labrador all international students enrolled full time for at least 12 months are automatically registered for the Foreign Health Insurance plan — $261.59 per semester — while Nova Scotia only offers free public health care after one year of study.

Those in Ontario post-secondary education must enrol in the private insurance plans provided by their institutions. Most universities use the University Health Insurance Plan (UHIP) at an annual premium of $792, while colleges use other providers with varying fees.

In Manitoba, international students pay an annual fee of $1,200 for private health insurance. The mandatory group insurance plan for students in Yukon cost $565 a year.

“The students I talked to didn’t know that these disparities existed across Canada,” said report author Tracy Glynn, a director of the Canadian Health Coalition, a national advocacy group supporting public health care. “It’s just by luck if somebody ends up in, say, New Brunswick, where there’s public care available immediately.”…

Source: International students in Canada face vastly different health-care access depending on where they live. Here’s what researchers found